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Average S&P 500 chief executive pay rose 21% to a record $22.8 million last year while the average US wage rose 3%. Say on Pay approval went up anyway.
The Investor · Invest desk

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The AFL-CIO's annual survey, cited by Reuters on the 13th, put average pay for S&P 500 chief executives at $22.8 million last year excluding Elon Musk, a 21% rise and the highest reading since the federation began compiling the data in the 1990s [1][2][3]. The average annual wage for all US workers was $69,770 as of May last year, up 3% [8], which means executive pay grew about seven times faster than the wage bill underneath it [1] and turns this from a disclosure curiosity into a bargaining-table input.
The mechanism is anchoring. Tesla has built a plan for Musk that could reach $1 trillion if every business target is met [5], and AFL-CIO Secretary-Treasurer Fred Redmond says the effect is on the conversation, not just the recipient: "Musk's compensation changes the dynamics when other CEO pay packages are being discussed," with boards using it as a reference point [6]. The scale distortion is visible in the survey itself. Include Musk and the S&P 500 average jumps to $340.1 million [4], roughly 15 times the ex-Musk figure [2]. On the assumption the sample is 500 companies, that gap implies a single-year value for Musk of about $159 billion [8], which is why the honest number to negotiate against is $22.8 million and not the headline one.
The ratios follow. Excluding Musk, the average CEO-to-worker gap at S&P 500 companies reached 312 to 1, up from 285 to 1 in 2024, a move of 27 points [9][3]. Including Musk it is 5,387 to 1, about 17 times the ex-Musk ratio [10][9]. Note that $22.8 million over $69,770 is 327 to 1 [4], not 312, so the published ratio is not a simple division of the two headline figures and should not be quoted as one. Redmond says members "are outraged at what is happening to them and feel they need to speak out more forcefully on inequality" [11].
Shareholders are not the brake. Companies argue that large packages drive results and therefore shareholder value [12], and according to Semler Brossy, average Say on Pay approval at S&P 500 companies through the end of June was 90.6%, above the 89.4% recorded for all of last year [13], a rise of 1.2 points as the underlying numbers climbed 21% [5]. Size alone does not fail. Goldman Sachs paid CEO David Solomon $118.9 million last year including retention awards [7], about 5.2 times the S&P 500 average [7], and the plan still drew 71% approval, below average but comfortably carried [15]. What fails is structural novelty: Welltower's $821 million decade-long award to CEO Shankh Mitra [14] averages $82.1 million a year, some 3.6 times the index average [6], and got 19% support [14], more than 70 points below the S&P 500 norm [10].
Two things to watch. First, whether comp committees copy the structure of the Musk plan (long-dated, target-triggered, very large) or only its magnitude, because the Welltower vote suggests investors will tolerate the second more readily than a ten-year lock-up. Second, whether the 312-to-1 figure starts appearing in contract talks; the AFL-CIO is already framing it as a mobilisation number [11], and a 3% wage line [8] next to a 21% executive line [2] is an easy argument to make in a bargaining room.
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Ranked by verification strength, evidence, and original report placement.
Average pay for S&P 500 CEOs last year, excluding Elon Musk, was $22.8 million, according to an AFL-CIO survey cited by Reuters on the 13th.
That $22.8 million average marked a 21% increase from a year earlier.
It was the highest level since the AFL-CIO began compiling the data in the 1990s.
Including Musk's Tesla package, the average pay for S&P 500 CEOs last year rises to $340.1 million.
Tesla has crafted a compensation plan for Musk that could reach as much as $1 trillion if he meets all of the company's business targets.
AFL-CIO Secretary-Treasurer Fred Redmond said "Musk's compensation changes the dynamics when other CEO pay packages are being discussed," explaining that boards are using it as a reference point.
Evidence-backed comparisons of source perspectives and observed adoption signals. Read the methodology
Which Builder, Operator, and Investor concerns the observed source mix emphasized—not a truth score.
Evidence, demonstrated adoption, hype gap, incentives, and confidence are assessed independently, each on its own current evidence. How these are measured.
Specific named figures, but single-outlet relay with no methodology and an internal arithmetic mismatch
Every number is precisely attributed to a nameable originator (AFL-CIO via Reuters, US Labor Department, Semler Brossy) and two company-level examples are named with vote outcomes, which is above bare assertion. But the cluster has one publisher relaying a secondary account, no survey methodology, sample size or valuation basis, no primary filings, and its own headline figures do not reproduce the published 312:1 ratio, so the evidentiary base cannot be independently reconciled.
Market-wide aggregates plus two named packages and vote records, but the Musk-modeling link is asserted
Adoption of large, milestone- and retention-linked pay is evidenced by aggregate S&P 500 averages, an aggregate Say on Pay approval series, and two named issuer packages with disclosed vote outcomes - concrete, dated behavior rather than intent. What remains unmeasured is the causal claim that these packages are modeled on Musk's, which rests on one labor-federation official's characterization, and the count of companies actually adopting Musk-style structures is never given.
Aggregate levels are solid; the Musk-inclusive averages and the causal framing overstate
The core ex-Musk statistics are stated soberly and match the dek. Overstatement enters through outlier-inflated aggregates presented as market facts ($340.1 million average, 5,387:1 ratio driven by one contingent award that has not been earned), through the causal framing that the record was 'driven by the spread of massive compensation packages modeled on' Musk when only two examples and one official's characterization support it, and through a ratio figure that its own inputs do not reproduce. Countervailing detail - the corporate rationale, rising approval rates, and the Welltower and Goldman dissents - is present, which keeps the gap moderate rather than large.
Primary data originators are an advocacy federation and a board-facing pay consultant
The central statistics come from the AFL-CIO, a labor federation whose own official states members intend to campaign more forcefully on inequality, giving a direct interest in maximal-contrast framing such as the Musk-inclusive ratio. The Say on Pay counterpoint comes from Semler Brossy, a compensation consultancy serving the boards whose votes it tallies. The corporate side appears only as an unattributed generic argument, so no independent party mediates between the two interested originators in the supplied material.
Plausible, internally inconsistent, and single-sourced
Confidence is limited by structure rather than plausibility: one publisher, a secondary relay of a Reuters citation, no access to the underlying survey, and a published ratio that does not follow from the reported inputs. The figures are specific and mutually consistent in direction, and the named vote outcomes are checkable in principle, which keeps the assessment above the floor, but any single number here should be treated as unconfirmed pending the primary AFL-CIO and proxy disclosures.
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1 article · August 15, 2026