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Moreno and Lummis have cosponsored the Credit Card Competition Act, joining Durbin, Marshall, Welch and King. The bill would make banks above $100B in assets run two unaffiliated networks on credit cards.
The Investor · Invest desk

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Senators Bernie Moreno (R-OH) and Cynthia Lummis (R-WY) have cosponsored the Credit Card Competition Act (S. 3623), joining Senator Angus King (I-ME) on a bill whose core requirement is that banks with more than $100B in assets enable at least two unaffiliated payment networks on their credit cards [1][2]. That moves interchange from a standing merchant grievance to a bill with a coalition that is genuinely awkward to whip against, and it puts a specific engineering obligation on the table for the largest issuers.
The roster now runs through Dick Durbin (D-IL), Roger Marshall (R-KS) and Peter Welch (D-VT), who were on the bill before Moreno, Lummis and King signed on [3]. That is six named senators: three Republicans, two Democrats and one independent [1]. The bill was reintroduced in January 2026 [4], and former President Trump endorsed it before this latest round of cosponsors arrived [5]. Crypto Briefing, relaying Payments Dive, dates the Moreno and Lummis cosponsorships to early August without stating the year, so the sequencing is worth confirming before anyone builds a legislative calendar on it [1].
The mechanism is worth reading literally. Most credit cards today route through either Visa or Mastercard, which is the source of those two companies' pricing power [6]. Under the bill, merchants would be able to route through competing networks, which is the theory of the case for lower per-swipe fees [7]. For a bank above the threshold, that is not a pricing negotiation. It is issuance, BIN configuration, authorisation plumbing and dispute handling against a second network, on cards that currently have one.
Merchant groups are predictably in favour: the Merchants Payments Coalition and the National Association of Convenience Stores have both voiced support, framing the bill as a competitive correction in a market tilted toward the largest institutions [8]. Visa, Mastercard and the largest card-issuing banks oppose it [9], arguing that interchange funds rewards programmes and that cheaper routing would starve the cashback and points economics that banks use to sell cards [10]. Credit unions have also objected, warning that reduced interchange revenue would hurt smaller institutions that rely on those fees [11]. On the face of the text they are outside it, since only banks above $100B in assets carry the routing mandate [12], but critics argue the downstream effects on fee structures spread past the threshold anyway [13].
The politics are the interesting part. Both Moreno and Lummis have spent political capital on crypto legislation, particularly the CLARITY Act on digital asset market structure [14], and reports have surfaced of tension between the two senators and the banking industry over delays to that bill [15]. The source does not claim the cosponsorship is retaliation, only that it leaves both senators pressing large banks on two fronts at once [16].
What to watch: whether any further Republicans attach themselves, since the marginal Republican signature is what makes this different from prior attempts; whether the $100B threshold survives negotiation intact, because that number is where the compliance cost lands; and whether large issuers begin scoping dual-network issuance as contingency work rather than waiting for a floor vote.
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Senators Bernie Moreno (R-OH) and Cynthia Lummis (R-WY) cosponsored the Credit Card Competition Act (S. 3623) in early August, joining Senator Angus King (I-ME) in backing the bill. The report is published by Crypto Briefing and credited 'Via paymentsdive.com'.
The bill's core requirement is that banks with more than $100B in assets would have to enable at least two unaffiliated payment networks on their credit cards.
Senators Dick Durbin (D-IL), Roger Marshall (R-KS) and Peter Welch (D-VT) were already cosponsors before Moreno, Lummis and King signed on.
The bill technically only applies to banks with more than $100B in assets, which should insulate smaller credit unions from the routing mandate itself.
Most credit cards currently route transactions through either Visa or Mastercard, giving those two companies enormous pricing power.
Visa, Mastercard and the largest card-issuing banks have opposed the bill.
Evidence-backed comparisons of source perspectives and observed adoption signals. Read the methodology
Which Builder, Operator, and Investor concerns the observed source mix emphasized—not a truth score.
Evidence, demonstrated adoption, hype gap, incentives, and confidence are assessed independently, each on its own current evidence. How these are measured.
Thin: one aggregated trade report, no primary records
Everything rests on a single crypto-outlet article that credits 'Via paymentsdive.com' and links no Senate cosponsor record, bill text, filing or statement. The verifiable spine (cosponsor roster, $100B two-network requirement, January 2026 reintroduction, stakeholder positions) is internally coherent and specific, which lifts it above the floor, but the Trump endorsement and the banking-industry tensions are asserted without date, source or quote, and no figures are given for interchange fees or revenue at stake.
Not assessable
This is pending legislation, and the supplied source reports no enactment, rulemaking, network deployment, issuer implementation or usage data. Cosponsorship counts are not adoption evidence, so no adoption observations were recorded and the dimension is left unmeasured rather than inferred.
Overstated: momentum framing ahead of legislative record
The cluster framing that the routing mandate 'gets real' and that the bill 'takes aim' at the networks outruns what is actually documented: six named cosponsors on a bill reintroduced in January 2026, with no committee action, scheduling, vote count or fee-impact estimate, plus organized opposition from the networks, the largest issuers and credit unions. The source's own hedges ('theoretically', 'whether or not') further indicate the conclusions are softer than the packaging.
High: interest-group contest reported through an aligned outlet
Nearly every voice in the story has direct financial or political stakes: merchant coalitions that pay interchange, networks and large issuers that collect it, credit unions defending fee income, and two senators the article itself ties to a separate legislative fight with the banking industry. The reporting is also carried by a crypto-sector publication that frames the story around 'crypto's biggest Senate allies', and it is aggregated from a payments trade outlet, so the selection and framing of stakes are themselves incentive-shaped.
Low-moderate
Confidence is capped by single-publisher, secondhand sourcing with no primary documents, and by the fact that two supporting claims are unverifiable as written. It is not lower because the load-bearing legislative facts are specific, mutually consistent and easy to reconcile with the named bill number, and because the source is transparent about its own hedges and about the aggregation origin.
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1 article · August 16, 2026