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A framework in AI & Society names the loop "robotoid humanness." It is an argument rather than a measurement, and the customer side of the exchange is the part nobody is instrumenting.
The Scientist · Science desk

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A paper in the journal AI & Society argues that the influence between humanlike service robots and the customers standing in front of them runs both ways: the machine gets better at acting human, and the human gets more machine-like in return [1][2][5]. The authors, from the University of Birmingham, Aarhus University and Linnaeus University, call the effect "robotoid humanness," and the practical implication is uncomfortable for anyone rolling out these systems in retail, hospitality, tourism or health care [1][4][5].
The mechanism the authors describe is not exotic. Service robots are built to mimic gestures, speech and emotional cues in order to draw cognitive and emotional responses out of customers, using AI and learning models to instil trust and maximise engagement [5][7]. People, meanwhile, read social cues off whoever they are dealing with and often copy behaviours and expressions without noticing, a process known as mirroring [8]. Put the two together and you get a loop. As Selcen Ozturkcan of Linnaeus University puts it, the consumer acts, the robot responds, and with repeated exposure the consumer internalises the exchange; machine learning amplifies it by tuning the robot's behaviour to the user's input, and the human instinct to mirror leads customers to reciprocate the robot's communicative style, making them more robot-like [9][16].
The framework itself has five moving parts: the service setting, consumer expectations, the robot's appearance and speech, and, crucially, the commitments, meaning the actions, of both consumer and robot [6]. The mimicry sits between those two sets of actions [8]. The paper's stronger claim is that persistent mimicry can produce a mimicking-mirroring feedback loop in which consumer identity is shaped, and that repeated exposure to algorithmically driven feedback can narrow it further, producing confirmation bias and other negative outcomes [1][10]. Effects vary by technological readiness, cultural background and personality [11]. The authors also flag the possibility that people come to depend on robots for validation of their self-worth, with positive reinforcement raising confidence and negative cues lowering self-esteem [12].
Two things worth being clear about. First, this is a conceptual framework and an ethical argument, not an experiment: the account of the work reports no sample, no protocol and no effect size [18]. Second, the authors are not arguing for withdrawal. Jean-Paul Jde Cros Peronard of Aarhus University frames it as understanding the interaction well enough for businesses to use the technology to best effect while remaining ethical, and the group treats the mirroring process as an opportunity for connection as well as a hazard [13][14][17].
Where this bites operationally is measurement. Deployment dashboards count containment, handle time and satisfaction at the end of a single session. Nothing in that stack detects a customer whose phrasing, patience and emotional range are contracting across visits, which is exactly the drift the paper predicts [9][10]. If the effect is real, it shows up first as customers who are easier to serve and harder to keep.
Watch for whether anyone converts this framework into something falsifiable: longitudinal panels of repeat users rather than one-shot lab studies, and tests of the moderators the authors name, which are readiness, culture and personality [11]. Watch also whether the self-worth dependency claim attracts scrutiny in health care and other high-vulnerability settings, since that is where a robot that dispenses validation stops being a service question [4][12].
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Research from the University of Birmingham (UK), Aarhus University (Denmark) and Linnaeus University (Sweden) found that interacting with robots displaying human-like behaviours such as adaptive learning, personalised communication and empathetic engagement can reinforce, reshape or destabilise a consumer's self-perception.
The paper is Selcen Ozturkcan et al, 'Robotoid humanness: when selfhood becomes machine-legible', AI & SOCIETY (2026), DOI 10.1007/s00146-026-03299-w.
AI-powered social robots are becoming more commonplace in customer service settings such as retail, hospitality, tourism and health care, and little attention has been given to how this might affect the consumers interacting with them.
Dr Inci Toral-Manson said social robots in customer service settings are designed to mimic gestures, speech and emotional cues to elicit cognitive and emotional responses from customers, and that dealing with anthropomorphised robots can create a bidirectional influence 'where robots become more like people, and people become more like robots, which we call robotoid humanness'.
The researchers set out a framework of human-robot interactions including the service setting, consumer expectations, the robot's appearance and speech, and, crucially, the commitments (actions) of the consumer and the robot.
Evidence-backed comparisons of source perspectives and observed adoption signals. Read the methodology
Which Builder, Operator, and Investor concerns the observed source mix emphasized—not a truth score.
Evidence, demonstrated adoption, hype gap, incentives, and confidence are assessed independently, each on its own current evidence. How these are measured.
Peer-reviewed concept paper, single derivative account, no reported measurement
There is a verifiable, citable artefact — a paper in AI & Society with a DOI — which lifts this above unsourced commentary. But the cluster contains exactly one source, itself a research-communications write-up, and that account reports no sample, no protocol and no effect size for the central behavioural claim. Evidence is therefore adequate for the existence and content of a framework, and weak for the causal effect the framing asserts.
No measurable adoption signal in the supplied material
The account asserts that AI-powered social robots are 'becoming more commonplace' in retail, hospitality, tourism and health care, but supplies no deployment count, vendor, product, customer, usage disclosure or dataset. There is likewise no evidence of the framework itself being taken up, cited or applied. Nothing in the cluster supports a quantified adoption score, so none is inferred.
Causal headline over a conceptual argument
The framing — 'Interacting with AI can make people act more like robots' and effects that 'reinforce, reshape or destabilize' selfhood — reads as a demonstrated outcome, while the body of the same account repeatedly signals argumentation: the researchers 'set out a framework', 'the study argues', and the closing note is a call for further consideration. The gap is real but bounded: the authors and the write-up do not fabricate results, they simply present theory in the register of finding.
Standard academic promotion channel, no commercial stake disclosed
The account follows the pattern of institutional research communication: three quoted co-authors, each identified with their university, and a citation block pointing to their own new paper. That is a normal and mild reputational incentive to present a conceptual contribution as consequential. No vendor, funder or commercial sponsor appears anywhere in the supplied material, so there is no evidence of a product or financial interest driving the framing.
Confident about the artefact, not about the effect
Confidence is high that a framework paper exists, who wrote it and what it argues, because the citation is explicit. Confidence is low on the substantive behavioural claim: one derivative source, no corroboration, no methods, and no adoption dimension available to triangulate against. The assessment is therefore stable on description and deliberately reserved on effect.
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1 article · August 19, 2026