Leadership1 distinct publisher3 min readUpdated
The claim that daycare traumatises children rests on cortisol readings and speculation about the amygdala. The official claims on the other side are barely sturdier.
The Board Room · Leadership desk

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Works in Progress has published a review of the daycare literature arguing that the confident claims made in both directions are unsupported, and that whether a child attends daycare usually makes little difference to their outcomes [8]. If that holds, leaders writing a childcare benefit, a parental-leave policy or a return-to-office expectation have just lost the most emotive argument against them, and also the most flattering one for them.
The counter-narrative is not fringe. Mikhaila Fuller, Jordan Peterson's daughter, told her 1.3 million podcast followers that daycare affects children in "pretty nasty ways" and warned them against "traumatizing" their children [2]. The psychoanalyst Erica Komisar said in 2025 on Diary of a CEO that daycare makes young children more likely to develop "pathological defenses" in response to the "trauma" of separation, that "it's so bad for their brain," and that it has "been known to increase aggression" [3]. Komisar also suggested that separation stress makes the amygdala "become active precociously" before it "shrivels up and burns out," producing chronic anxiety, depression and ADHD [4]. Works in Progress calls that pure speculation, noting that nobody has done the research, and that it is not even established whether people with smaller amygdalas have them because of trauma or were born that way [5]. Komisar is not an outlier voice: she has contributed to the Wall Street Journal and appeared on Good Morning America [6].
The empirical hook for the harm argument is cortisol, and it is real as far as it goes. Children in daycare do have higher salivary cortisol, and their levels appear to rise through the day [7]. But cortisol is not a damage meter. It regulates metabolism and sleep-wake cycles, and with none of it in your body you would die [9]. In an unstressed person it peaks on waking, declines over the day, and spikes briefly in response to things like exercise and socialising [10]. The link between cortisol and felt stress is poorly understood, and people who report chronic stress can show lower levels [11]. Raised cortisol at daycare could mean a child is stressed, or that they are excited and stimulated by novelty and social complexity [12]. Measurement makes it worse: levels can move by an order of magnitude within a day, so the same child can produce different readings day to day, and the studies may not be powered to find a signal in that noise [13].
The institutional case has the same structural weakness in the opposite direction. The European Commission says preschool "lays the foundations for later success in life" [14]; the World Bank says it can help countries "be more productive, and compete more successfully in a rapidly changing global economy" [15]; governments spend billions on daycare, notionally as an investment in future workers [16]. Set that against a literature in which attendance usually makes little difference, and the workforce-investment framing is doing more work than the evidence permits [17].
The operator's conclusion is unglamorous. A childcare benefit defended as an investment in the child's brain is hostage to the next podcast episode that says the brain is being damaged; a benefit defended by what it does for an employee's ability to work, and to stay, is not. The same applies to return-to-office rules sold with developmental subtext in either direction. Works in Progress frames the test simply: if daycare had a clear effect on children, we would know by now [1].
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Ranked by verification strength, evidence, and original report placement.
Erica Komisar, an American psychoanalyst, claimed in 2025 on the podcast Diary of a CEO that daycare makes young children more likely to 'develop pathological defenses' in response to the 'trauma' of being separated from their parents, adding 'It's so bad for their brain' and that it has 'been known to increase aggression'.
Prominent daycare critic Mikhaila Fuller, daughter of Jordan Peterson, told her 1.3 million podcast followers that daycare affects children in 'pretty nasty ways', warning them against 'traumatizing' their children.
On Diary of a CEO, Komisar suggested that separation stress causes the amygdala of daycare-attending children to 'become active precociously' and then 'shrivel up and burn out because it cannot manage that stress so early', leading to chronic anxiety, depression and ADHD.
Works in Progress describes the amygdala claim as pure speculation: no one has done the research to support it, and it is not known whether people with smaller amygdalas have them in response to trauma or were born that way.
Komisar is a mainstream parenting commentator, with contributions to newspapers such as The Wall Street Journal and television shows such as Good Morning America.
Children in daycare have higher cortisol levels in their saliva, and their cortisol levels seem to rise throughout the day; daycare sceptics such as Komisar cite this, and it is true.
Evidence-backed comparisons of source perspectives and observed adoption signals. Read the methodology
Which Builder, Operator, and Investor concerns the observed source mix emphasized—not a truth score.
Evidence, demonstrated adoption, hype gap, incentives, and confidence are assessed independently, each on its own current evidence. How these are measured.
One publisher, strong on mechanism critique, thin on primary data
The cluster contains a single source. It is internally specific and well-sourced where it quotes claimants (Fuller, Komisar, the European Commission, the World Bank) and where it describes cortisol physiology and measurement noise, and its debunking of the amygdala mechanism is a clean negative claim. But the load-bearing conclusion — that daycare attendance usually makes little difference to outcomes — is asserted without any study results, effect sizes or citations in the supplied text, which is truncated mid-paragraph just as the observational studies are introduced. No second publisher or primary literature corroborates it.
The intervention is widely funded; measurement of its effect is not
Adoption of the thing being argued about is broad and institutionally endorsed: billions in government spending framed as workforce investment, European Commission and World Bank advocacy, and a described British expansion of subsidised places down to nine months. That is meaningful real-world uptake, which is why this scores above the midpoint. It is held down because the cluster supplies no figures, no jurisdiction counts and no enrolment data, so the scale is described rather than measured.
Both camps overclaim relative to what the cluster shows
Positive, because the claims circulating in this story clearly outrun the evidence presented for them, in both directions. A named neurological mechanism ending in anxiety, depression and ADHD is built on a biomarker whose relationship to felt stress is admittedly poorly understood, on studies that may be underpowered, and on research the article says nobody has done. On the other side, preschool is credited with later-life success and national competitiveness. The score is not higher because the article's own corrective claim is also stated more confidently than the supplied text demonstrates, so some of the gap is asserted rather than measured.
Audience reach on one side, spending justification on the other
The cluster names concrete incentives without needing inference. Fuller addresses 1.3 million podcast followers; Komisar's claims were made on a large podcast and she carries Wall Street Journal and Good Morning America platforms, so alarm has distribution value. On the institutional side, the European Commission, the World Bank and national governments are defending billions in spending, which gives them a direct interest in strong developmental and productivity claims. Not higher because the article discloses no financial relationships for any party, and Works in Progress's own editorial interest in debunking is not examined in the text.
Directionally credible, quantitatively unverifiable here
Confidence is moderate-low. The quotations, the cortisol physiology and the measurement-noise argument are checkable within the source and mutually consistent, and nothing in the cluster contradicts them. But there is one publisher, no primary literature, a truncated body, and the two most consequential claims — the null effect on outcomes and the resulting overstatement of the workforce-investment case — are marked insufficient. The debunking of the amygdala story is the part that would survive scrutiny best; the broader 'daycare barely matters' verdict needs corroboration this cluster does not contain.
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1 article · August 18, 2026