Invest1 distinct publisher3 min readPublished
Six exempt projects in 2020 became 27 by 2024 while the state's own agency stopped reporting an annual revenue-loss figure in FY2023, which is the one number a legislature would need to defend the program or repeal it.
The Investor · Invest desk

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Take the Tax Foundation's figure at face value: a $5 billion data center can easily spend more than a billion dollars a year on machinery and equipment, which makes sales taxation a significant consideration in where it gets built [7]. That billion is 20 percent of the build price, recurring annually, in purchases the state has agreed not to tax [4]. Illinois writes its exemption for as long as 20 years [12], so a full term covers something like $20 billion of equipment against a $5 billion building, four times the thing the ribbon was cut on [5]. That is the comparison a legislature would want in front of it, and the Illinois Department of Commerce and Economic Opportunity stopped putting an annual revenue-loss number in its Data Center Investment Program report in FY2023 [10], across the same span in which awarded projects went from six to 27, a 4.5-fold increase, or 21 more sites carrying the exemption [9][3].
The reason the give-back compounds instead of amortizing is the equipment schedule. Electrical systems, batteries and structures have usable lives past 20 years, while the compute inside them can turn over in as little as three under AI strain [6]. So the exemption is indexed to refresh cadence, which is the one variable in this whole business that has been accelerating.
Breadth is the other half of it. Nearly three-quarters of states run some version of the incentive, spanning sales and use tax, property tax and financial transactions tax [1], which is roughly 37 states with about 13 abstaining [1], across a national installed base of nearly 5,000 facilities in all 50 states [2]. The thresholds are the only real dial and they are not moving together: Texas at $200 million of capital investment [3], Illinois at $250 million, or 25 percent more [13][7], Maine on square footage and some states on employment metrics [4], New York with no minimum at all and eligibility reaching property, services, equipment and contracts [5]. Illinois also stacks a 20 percent income tax credit on construction wages on top of the equipment exemption [11].
My view, and it is probably wrong in the specifics: what binds the next site is not the size of the exemption but whether anyone can price it, because a program with no published cost can be repealed on a hunch and defended only on anecdote, and Good Jobs First counts at least 14 states that failed to disclose data center abatement losses at all [8], something like 37 percent of the states running programs [2]. Fortune reports states have already rolled back previously aggressive incentives [16]. The counter-thesis is respectable and may simply be correct: sales tax is a rounding error against the price and timing of power, which this reporting does not touch, and if JLL's 14 percent compound growth through 2030 holds [14], the sector is about 1.7 times its present size by then [6] whatever any statehouse decides. Two things would settle it. A state that publishes a nine-figure annual loss and leaves its program untouched, or a hyperscaler filing for a site where the exemption has already expired. Until then, note what Illinois is not doing: building the record it would need either to justify 27 awards or to stop granting them [10].
Ranked by verification strength, evidence, and original report placement.
Texas requires at least $200 million in capital investment in a data center project to qualify for its incentive.
Maine requires a certain amount of square footage for eligibility, and a few states also require employment metrics to be met.
New York has no minimum investment requirement, and under the state Department of Taxation and Finance structure data center incentive eligibility covers property, services, equipment and contracts.
Illinois requires a minimum capital investment of at least $250 million to be eligible for the tax exemption.
Nearly three-quarters of all US states employ tax incentives for data center development, including exemptions from sales and use tax, property tax and financial transactions tax, with eligibility differing state by state.
The US has grown to nearly 5,000 data centers across all 50 states to date, with hyperscalers driving much of the expansion.
Distinct publishers with included, body-backed reporting in this cluster.
fortune.com
1 article · September 2, 2026
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Evidence-backed comparisons of source perspectives and observed adoption signals. Read the methodology
Which Builder, Operator, and Investor concerns the observed source mix emphasized—not a truth score.
Evidence, demonstrated adoption, hype gap, incentives, and confidence are assessed independently, each on its own current evidence. How these are measured.
One outlet relaying other people's numbers
The two facts that make this a story — 27 exemptions by 2024 and no published loss figure after FY 2023 — arrive as a block quote from Good Jobs First inside a single Fortune piece. Fortune did not open the Illinois annual reports itself, did not ask the agency why the number vanished, and no other newsroom in our coverage has touched the filings. The specificity is good and the primary sources are named, which is worth something; independent verification is simply absent.
The subsidy is everywhere; the accounting is not
As a policy instrument this is thoroughly adopted: roughly 37 states run programs, nearly 5,000 facilities sit across all 50, and Illinois alone signed 21 more exempt projects in four years. Uptake is not in question. What has not been adopted is the reporting habit that would let anyone price it — the same four years that produced 27 Illinois awards ended with the state publishing no annual cost at all.
Counted projects, uncounted cost
Fortune's language reaches further than its arithmetic in two places. States 'passing up billions' and an unattributed line about states rolling back aggressive incentives both go unsupported — no statute, no state, no year — while the Illinois section proves only that the number of exemptions grew, not what they cost. That is the honest shape of the story: the loss figure is missing, so nobody can say it is billions either. Working the other way, the piece imports the Georgia Tech findings of modest, unevenly distributed gains and a 5 percent bump in local electricity prices, which is a boom narrative undercutting itself. Mild overstatement, not inflation.
Every number has a sponsor
Follow who benefits from each figure. JLL forecasts 14 percent compound growth in a sector whose buildings it brokers. Good Jobs First exists to expose subsidy secrecy, and this reporting hands its framing straight through. The Tax Foundation's $5 billion illustration argues a tax-policy position. Most telling: the body that stopped publishing the annual revenue loss is the same body that administers the program the number would be used to judge. None of that makes the facts wrong; it does mean not one of these sources is disinterested.
Firm on the two facts, thin on everything around them
I would bet on the specifics: award counts and a reporting cutoff year are the kind of detail an investigative group gets right and a state agency would correct loudly if wrong. Confidence drops on the surroundings — the causal rollback line, the size of the forgone revenue, and whether any of these exemptions changed a siting decision. Single-publisher sourcing caps how high this can go regardless of how crisp the numbers look.