Science1 distinct publisher3 min readPublished
Michele Gelfand and colleagues ran five studies on who negotiates pay and how that ask gets judged. The pattern they found moves the pay gap question off employee coaching and onto how employers score an offer.
The Scientist · Science desk

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The projection to nearly $800,000 is worth taking apart, because it is a model rather than an observation. A flat annual advantage of $6,450 carried across four decades sums to about $258,000, so reaching the headline figure requires the initial gap to widen by roughly a factor of three over a career [2]. That is what percentage raises applied to a higher starting base will do, and it is a defensible assumption about how salaries actually move. Nobody followed these graduates for forty years [7]. The account also does not report what base salary the negotiated increment sat on top of [14], which means it cannot be expressed as a share of pay, and a share of pay is the form you would need to compare it with anything.
The five designs do different jobs, and the smallest-stakes one does the most useful job. In the lab study, every participant was told the bonus ran between 50 cents and $3, and every participant was offered 50 cents [8]. Information about the range was handed over for free, and the entire upside of asking was $2.50 [3]. Higher-income participants still asked more often. That weakens the most comfortable explanation on offer, which is that lower-SES workers stay quiet because they do not know what the number could be. Asked directly, respondents gave fear of backlash and a reduced sense of power [9], and the graduates' own phrasing was about not wanting to damage a new relationship [5].
The fifth study is the one the reframing rests on, and it is a vignette study. HR professionals read four written scenarios and produced ratings [10], not hiring decisions with a payroll consequence attached. The thing this does not tell you is whether any real lower-class negotiator was passed over. It does tell you that the fear reported in the survey has a counterpart in how evaluators describe the same behaviour. Phys.org's account does not say how class was conveyed to the raters [15], which matters, because in a live pipeline that cue has to come from something on the application itself.
The Australian data buys one replication outside the US, in a market Gelfand describes as culturally similar, and she says replication across diverse cultures is still missing [12]. Read strictly, this is a finding about the US and one country that resembles it, which is also where individual offer negotiation is most common.
Gelfand describes negotiation as learned rather than innate [13], which is an argument for teaching it. The awkward part sits in the HR ratings: teaching the ask, without changing how the ask is scored, increases the frequency of a behaviour that evaluators already discount more steeply for exactly the people being taught. The lever an employer controls outright is the offer process, and that lever is on the side of the table the coaching model never touches.
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Michele Gelfand is a professor of organizational behavior at Stanford Graduate School of Business and has studied and taught negotiation for years.
In a new paper in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, co-authored with Ying Lin of Hong Kong University and Jackson Liu of MIT's Sloan School of Management, Gelfand finds that people from lower socioeconomic classes are not only less likely to negotiate their salaries but also more likely to be punished if they do ask for more money.
The researchers conducted five studies with different methodologies.
In the final study, HR professionals were shown four scenarios involving job applicants who did or did not negotiate their salaries; the HR professionals perceived applicants who negotiated as uncooperative for both lower- and higher-class candidates, but viewed lower-class negotiators as less cooperative and less hirable.
The phys.org account does not report the base salary levels on which the MBA graduates' negotiated increment sat.
The phys.org account does not specify how the applicants' class was conveyed to the HR professionals in the four scenarios.
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1 article · September 2, 2026
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Evidence-backed comparisons of source perspectives and observed adoption signals. Read the methodology
Which Builder, Operator, and Investor concerns the observed source mix emphasized—not a truth score.
Evidence, demonstrated adoption, hype gap, incentives, and confidence are assessed independently, each on its own current evidence. How these are measured.
Five designs, one telling
The underlying work is not thin — 7,800 Australian workers, 600-plus MBA graduates, 700 experiment participants, 1,000 survey respondents, plus the HR scenario study. What is thin is our access to it. Directions of effect and sample sizes are reported; coefficients, the base salaries under the $6,450, and how class was conveyed to the HR raters are not, and the author herself calls the average correlation small.
No employer has acted on it yet
Gelfand's prescription — spell out what people make, why they are promoted, and what the promotion means — appears here as advice and nothing more. No company, HR platform or regulator is named as having changed a practice in response, and the paper is days-fresh. We would rather score nothing than invent uptake.
The headline number outruns the study
$800,000 does the persuading. It is a forty-year extrapolation from a $6,450 starting difference, and no compounding rate is disclosed — taken flat, the same gap sums to roughly $258,000, so the projection quietly assumes the gap triples. Meanwhile the sturdiest result in the paper, that recruiters marked lower-class negotiators down on hirability, gets less space than the money. Add a controlled experiment whose entire upside for asking was $2.50, and the gap between what the number implies and what was measured is real, though the direction of the findings is not in doubt.
A university placing its own research
This is the standard route by which a business school gets its findings read: a Stanford professor's account of a Stanford-led paper, carried by phys.org, which republishes institutional science writing largely as received. Gelfand is also candid that the work belongs to a broader push to make social class a bigger subject in organizational behavior — a framing interest rather than a financial one, but it shapes which of the five results becomes the story, and no outside reviewer is invited to disagree.
Consistent pattern, single witness
We are fairly confident the direction is right: four different methods and one field dataset produced the same asymmetry, which is harder to fake than a single striking result. We are much less confident about magnitude and reach — one publisher, one voice, no independent read of the effect sizes, and the author's own note that replication beyond culturally US-like settings has not happened.