Science1 distinct publisher3 min readPublished
The estimate comes from differencing the observed West against a simulated one where the largest fossil fuel and cement producers stopped emitting in 1950. That is the defendant-shaped number water litigation runs on.
The Scientist · Science desk

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The denominator does most of the quiet work in that first number. One-third of *climate-related* groundwater loss is a share of a slice, not of the whole drawdown [1]. Central Valley aquifers have also been pulled down by cropping choices, surface allocations and decades of pumping, and none of that sits inside the fraction. What the study isolates is the depletion that follows from a warmer, drier, earlier-melting hydrology, then asks how much of that belongs to 122 named companies [2].
The mechanism is a subtraction. Build a simulated West in which those companies emitted nothing after 1950, run it forward, and difference it against the world we got [11]. That design rules out attributing the loss to natural variability shared by both worlds, and it rules out the linearity assumption the simpler method has to make [10]. It does not rule out the model itself being wrong about how snow and soil respond to the warming you removed. Every number downstream inherits that.
The snowpack accounting is also lopsided in a way worth holding. Of roughly 35 billion cubic meters of snow water lost each year, the Pacific Northwest accounts for 27.0 cubic kilometres and California 5.1 [6][7]. That is 32.1 together, about 92 percent of the annual total in two regions [15]. The 15 percent figure is a regional average that mostly describes those two places, which matters if your basin is somewhere else.
The 40 to 64 percent band is the line a plaintiff's expert will read twice [4]. If that share transferred cleanly to streamflow alone, the full human-caused reduction in warm-season flow would sit between about 9.4 and 15 percent, being 6 divided by 0.64 and by 0.40 [16]. The source does not present it that way and the share is reported for supply and demand changes taken together, so treat that as a scale check rather than a finding.
The thing the volume figures do not tell you is when the water shows up. Peak flows arriving 5.6 days early on average, and up to 30 days early on the western slopes of the Washington Cascades, leave rivers thinner in the hot months even where annual totals hold [8]. In the Upper Colorado Basin the drying shows up in winter as well as summer [9]. Those are two different problems for an operator working from a rule curve, and only one of them looks like a shortage in an annual ledger.
There is a gap between what this measures and what a complaint has to allege. The published quantities describe the 122 as a bloc; the account of the work says the methods can link climate change to individual companies, but reports no per-company figure [18]. Water litigation names parties and apportions shares among them. The bloc total is the input to that argument, not the argument.
Ranked by verification strength, evidence, and original report placement.
About one-third of climate-related groundwater loss in California's Central Valley between 2003 and 2024 can be attributed to emissions from the Carbon Majors.
The Carbon Majors are a group of 122 corporations that are the world's largest producers of oil, gas, coal and cement.
The research was published in Communications Earth & Environment and measured the Carbon Majors' contribution to changes in water supply, water demand and groundwater across the Western United States, defined as west of 105 degrees W.
Since 1950, emissions from the Carbon Majors reduced warm-season streamflow by 6% while increasing irrigation demand by 2.4%; taken together these changes accounted for 40% to 64% of human-driven climate change in the region.
The study found Carbon Majors emissions caused a significant reduction in spring snowpack across the Western United States, enough lost snow water to fill Lake Mead, the largest reservoir in the country.
Emissions from the Carbon Majors drove a 15% drop in spring mountain snowpack across the West, amounting to a loss of roughly 35 billion cubic meters of snow every year.
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Evidence-backed comparisons of source perspectives and observed adoption signals. Read the methodology
Which Builder, Operator, and Investor concerns the observed source mix emphasized—not a truth score.
Evidence, demonstrated adoption, hype gap, incentives, and confidence are assessed independently, each on its own current evidence. How these are measured.
One peer-reviewed study, one secondary account
The underlying work is a peer-reviewed paper with a named lead author, journal and DOI, and it reports quantified, geographically specific results from two independent methods that agree. Evidence strength is capped by the cluster containing a single secondary summary: no uncertainty intervals, model documentation, data/code availability, independent replication or dissenting expert appears, and the account itself concedes the simpler method is biased in known directions.
No use evidence
The cluster documents publication only. It notes that states and counties are pursuing lawsuits and climate superfund legislation and need this kind of evidence, but supplies no instance of a litigant, court, legislature, agency or water district using, citing or accepting this attribution method, and no downstream dataset or tool release. Adoption cannot be measured without inferring facts the source does not provide.
Mildly overstated by the naming frame
The framing promises a way to measure 'who's responsible' and to link emissions from specific companies to specific water losses, but every reported quantity is aggregate to the 122-producer group and no company is individually quantified, so the headline capability outruns what the account shows. The physical results themselves are stated with appropriate specificity and the authors volunteer a method caveat, which keeps the gap modest rather than large; the unexplained near-exhaustion of the West-wide snowpack total by two regions and the absence of any demonstrated legal use push it positive.
Litigation-adjacent framing, no disclosures shown
Scored only on incentives visible in the supplied text: the account explicitly positions the research as producing numbers that 'could strengthen liability cases and climate laws taking shape now,' which is a use-oriented framing aligned with active plaintiffs, and the publisher closes with a reader-donation appeal. No study funding, conflict-of-interest statement or industry response is disclosed in the cluster, so this is an assessment of directional framing pressure, not of established financial interest.
Moderate-low
Confidence is limited by single-publisher, single-study sourcing with no adoption measurement and no independent or adversarial voice. It is not lower because the underlying claim set is peer-reviewed, internally consistent, specific about geography and magnitude, and accompanied by the authors' own methodological caveat.
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1 article · August 27, 2026