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Korea moves to let regulators suspend licenses of firms that price-fix twice within five years

Korea's Fair Trade Commission and ruling party want power to seek suspension or deregistration of firms that price-fix twice in five years. In 17 industries including oil refining and pharma, a second cartel would threaten a firm's right to operate even if the first earned leniency.

The Investor · Invest desk

Illustration accompanying Korea moves to let regulators suspend licenses of firms that price-fix twice within five years

What happened

  • The FTC and the Democratic Party agreed at a National Assembly meeting on the 28th to pursue five bills, including codified price-reset orders and a longer statute of limitations.
  • Investigators would get 10 years after a cartel ends to open a case, up from seven, lifting the maximum limitation period to 15 years from 12.
  • FTC fines in five cartel cases this year total 2.4372 trillion won, led by 747.6 billion won on four starch makers and 671 billion won on seven flour millers.
  • In April the FTC raised its minimum cartel fine rate to 10% from 0.5% and allowed surcharges of up to 100% for repeat violations.

Compiled by The InvestorSomething wrong?How this is made

Why it matters

  • exposure Shareholders of a company in a listed industry that already has one cartel on record now carry five years of risk to its operating license as well as its fine bill.
  • decision A firm with one prior strike gains less from confessing a second cartel, since leniency would trim the fine but still count toward the license threshold.
  • constraint Each suspension depends on a ministry agreeing to take a supplier out of a household-spending sector it oversees, because the FTC can only make the request.
  • cost Where a barred firm in a low-margin, hard-to-enter industry is not replaced, the report warns that consumers and workers pay through weaker competition.

For a shareholder, the bill changes what kind of cash event a cartel is. A fine is a one-off charge: the 24 companies in this year's five big cases paid about 101.6 billion won each on average [1][2], a sum a holder can set against one year of earnings. A price-reset order obliges a company to cut collusion-inflated prices back to levels that restore pre-cartel competition [8], so it comes out of every later year's revenue. A suspension stops revenue. The package would put price resets into statute and add suspension [2].

The FTC would not suspend anyone itself. It would gain legal grounds to ask the relevant ministry to suspend a firm or revoke its registration [4]. A cartel that earned leniency still counts toward the threshold [5], and voluntary reporters would lose their exemption from corrective orders [6]. The report does not say whether the five years run from the conduct or from the sanction. That choice matters more once investigators get three extra years to open a case [7][4], because it decides how many old cartels can become a second strike.

The tool could pass and sit mostly unused, its threat pushing firms to pay fines and comply with price resets. Or ministries could use it in listed sectors such as firefighting equipment, electrical construction and waste treatment [3], where a suspension hands a rival's work to the firms still licensed. Or it could land on a sector with few firms and no entrant, the case that worries Hong Dae-sik, chairman of the Council of Korean Law Schools. "Collusion is a problem that calls for promoting competition among companies, but suspending their operations actually reduces competition," he said [13]. "I doubt whether this can achieve the goal of restoring competition," he added [14].

In my view the threat is weakest where the report puts its emphasis. Oil refining and transport lead its description of the household-spending sectors in scope [1], and a ministry asked to suspend a refiner would be pulling supply out of exactly that kind of market [4]. The cartels that paid most this year were in banking, sugar, paper, flour and starch [9]. None of those appears among the examples the report gave of the 17 industries [3]. For those firms the exposure is April's twentyfold rise in the minimum fine rate [3] and the power to order divestitures that the FTC is seeking [11].

The counter-case is the FTC's own. It argues deterrence fails when penalties fall short of what collusion earns, and says "Fines that significantly exceed illicit gains will become the new standard" [16]. On that logic a license threat never used against a refiner still raises the expected cost of a second cartel. The view above is wrong if the first request a ministry acts on names a refiner or a transport operator.

What to watch

  • Whether the Democratic Party's bill reaches a National Assembly vote with license sanctions and the leniency counting rule intact.
  • The full list of 17 industries in the bill text, and whether any food-staple or banking sector is on it.
  • What the FTC's new economic analysis bureau and priority investigation planning unit take on after they open next month.
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