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New York's K has a headcount: 40,700 people took 53% of the city's income growth

Millionaires captured more than half of post-pandemic income growth while poverty hit a record for a third straight year, per The City Reporter. Demand and politics both narrow.

The Investor · Invest desk

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What happened

  • New York City's top 1 percent, some 40,700 millionaires, captured 53% of the city's income growth over five years.
  • Since 2019, the rate of income growth has ramped up for New York City's wealthiest while slowing for the 99%.
  • New York City poverty reached a record high for the third consecutive year in 2024, double the national rate.
  • Record numbers of New Yorkers are receiving cash assistance and SNAP benefits, and cash assistance enrollment has climbed steadily as more rely on the safety net.
  • Thousands of New Yorkers are losing benefits due to federal cuts to Medicaid and work requirement restrictions to SNAP.

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Why it matters

New York City's top 1 percent, some 40,700 millionaires, captured 53 percent of the city's income growth over five years, while the poverty rate reached a record high for the third consecutive year in 2024, double the national rate [1][3]. For anyone selling into this city, staffing it, or underwriting its tax base, that split is the operating condition, not a headline.

The arithmetic is worth doing slowly. If the top 1 percent took 53 percent, everyone else divided 47 percent [15]. If 40,700 people are 1 percent, the implied base is roughly 4.07 million [16], which means the average person at the top captured on the order of 112 times as much incremental income as the average person below [17]. Growth has also changed direction of travel: since 2019 the rate of income growth accelerated for the wealthiest and slowed for the 99 percent [2]. James Parrott of the Center for New York City Affairs at the New School told The City Reporter that finance and tech growth coupled with wage stagnation for most workers makes the post-pandemic city economy more polarized than ever [10]. Wall Street profits, in the article's framing, are stratospheric [6].

The downstroke shows up in enrollment, not sentiment. Record numbers of New Yorkers are receiving cash assistance and SNAP, with cash assistance enrollment climbing steadily [4], and thousands are simultaneously losing benefits to federal Medicaid cuts and SNAP work requirement restrictions [5]. Lakisha Morris of Catholic Charities described households deciding whether three people eat or only the two children [12].

For operators, the consequence is mix, not aggregate. A citywide average income figure now describes almost nobody: top-line consumer spending can hold up while the middle of the price ladder empties, because the growth is concentrated in a few tens of thousands of buyers and the shrinkage is spread across millions. Capacity planned against the average household is capacity planned for a household that does not exist. The safety-net numbers are the more useful demand signal, and they are moving the wrong way while eligibility tightens [4][5].

Then there is the political leg. Peter Atwater, the William and Mary economist who popularized the K-shaped framing in 2020, says the point is life experience: those at the top feel invulnerable and have overabundance, while those at the bottom feel powerless and see scarcity in every direction [7][8]. The article's argument is that this is why Mayor Zohran Mamdani and fellow democratic socialists won [11]. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent told CNBC's "Squawk Box" last month that "the K-shaped economy is over," pointing to fastest wage growth in low-paying jobs [9]; the piece contends that even if true nationally, it is not true here [13].

Two caveats. This is one report, written by Nancy Jiang, an intern at The City Reporter, and republished by Naked Capitalism [14]; the version available breaks off mid-sentence, so the underlying chart series are not fully inspectable [18].

Watch three things: whether SNAP and Medicaid disenrollment shows up as a step down in retail volumes in outer-borough catchments [5], whether the low-wage acceleration Bessent describes appears in New York wage data at all [9], and how much of Mamdani's affordability program lands as cost on employers rather than transfer to households [11].

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