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Pennsylvania wants local sign-off before it issues a state permit. Texas has stopped approvals pending audits. For anyone modelling 2027 compute, siting has become the line item with the least slack.
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The 2027 capacity model usually has one row that reads like a purchase order: sign the lease, take the megawatts, rack in the third quarter. Every move in Fast Company's tally does the same thing to that row, which is to relocate the vote that decides it. In Pennsylvania the vote now sits with the locality, because a state permit follows local approval rather than substituting for it [6]. In Texas it sits with the agencies running Greg Abbott's audits, and the Texas Tribune reports that failing one costs grid access [11][12]. In New York it sits with a threshold of 50 megawatts, for a year [19]. Arizona's is the only one of the four that changes the price rather than the calendar, with the exemption suspended and its cost to the state put at roughly $38m a year [16][17].
The Texas number is worth working through. ERCOT's interconnection queue is tracking more than 1,800 projects, 90% of them data centers, which puts about 1,620 data center projects in the line that audit requests must now join [13][20]. A queue that long can damage a schedule without denying anyone; adding a step is enough.
Announced investment is the figure quoted most often, and it says the least about what actually gets built. Josh Shapiro backed a $90bn package in his first term and a $20bn Amazon Web Services build in Luzerne and Bucks counties last summer [3][4]. Abbott backed $40bn from Google across three campuses last November [10]. Neither figure was ever energized megawatts, and both signatures are now on the documents narrowing the path. Shapiro's order bans nondisclosure agreements and fast-track permits and asks developers to show how they will pay the full cost of their power [7]. Abbott, who told ABC News that the companies "dug their own grave," moved after in-state backlash and is up for reelection this fall [9][14].
The sorting rule follows from that. For each site in the 2027 plan, the question is which body can say no and when it next meets, and what hearing no in September rather than March would do to the in-service date. Those gates then split along two axes. Axis one: whether the gate is economic, like an exemption or a full-cost-of-power showing, or procedural, like a permit, an interconnect, or a county vote. Axis two: whether the person holding it faces voters before the site is meant to be live. Economic gates can be repriced into the pro forma and usually are. Procedural gates held by someone on a ballot are options, and an option should not sit in a capacity plan as though it were capacity. Katie Hobbs is on the ballot in November [18]. Shapiro has so far declined the moratorium that his Republican opponent, state Treasurer Stacy Garrity, has endorsed [8].
Ranked by verification strength, evidence, and original report placement.
Earlier this month Shapiro announced that data centers will now need local approval before receiving state permits.
Shapiro's executive order requires new developments to show how they plan to pay the full cost of their electricity and limit water use, prohibits nondisclosure agreements and fast-track permits, and ends the tax exemptions and permitting flexibility that characterised his earlier approach.
Texas Gov. Greg Abbott told ABC News that data center companies "dug their own grave."
Abbott halted data center approvals until regulatory agencies audit projects' tax breaks, power use and generation, water cooling, and impact on local communities.
Companies that fail their audits will be denied grid access, according to The Texas Tribune.
New York Gov. Kathy Hochul signed the first statewide data center moratorium in July 2026; it lasts one year and bars new data centers that require more than 50 megawatts of power, and she cited data centers appearing in small communities without the infrastructure to support them.
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One outlet, two borrowed footnotes
Everything in this story reaches us through Fast Company, and its two hardest details are credited elsewhere: the Texas Tribune for the grid-access penalty, the New York Times for New York's carve-out for already-permitted projects. No executive order, budget bill or ERCOT queue snapshot is quoted or linked, and the chronology runs on "earlier this month" and "last summer." These are public acts that a permit docket would confirm in an afternoon; no one in our coverage has done that.
Four states, ink already dry
These are not proposals awaiting a session. New York's megawatt ceiling is signed and running, Arizona's exemption is suspended inside a budget that passed, Texas approvals are stopped now, and Pennsylvania permits already route through local sign-off. What is absent is scale: nobody says how many queued projects each action touches, and the only sizing figure available is ERCOT's 1,800-plus queue, which measures the pipeline rather than the blockage.
Reporting restrained, framing out ahead
Fast Company mostly lets the four reversals speak, and they are specific enough to survive scrutiny. The overreach is ours: presenting siting as the 2027 compute line item with the least slack goes well past anything reported, since not one megawatt of delay or cancelled campus is quantified here. The claim that New York's moratorium is the country's first also travels without a comparison set behind it.
Every reversal has a ballot behind it
Read these announcements as positions in races, because the story all but says so: Abbott is on the ballot this fall, Hobbs in November, and Shapiro is described as a potential White House hopeful. The clearest tell is the Pennsylvania geometry — Shapiro stopped one inch short of the moratorium his Republican opponent had just endorsed. Fast Company has no stake in which way the policies land, though a governor-by-governor tally is a format that rewards adding states.
Consistent but single-threaded
Four states moving the same direction in eight months is a pattern rather than a coincidence, and the individual facts are the checkable kind. What holds confidence at the midpoint is that one publication carries all of it, the obvious next arithmetic — roughly 1,620 data centers in the Texas queue, about $114 million of Arizona exemptions withheld — is inference rather than reporting, and the Illinois passage in the version we have stops mid-sentence.
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1 article · August 31, 2026