Science1 publisher3 min readPublished
Children in six societies help struggling peers more when the need is real
Henriette Zeidler's team tested 336 children aged 4 to 9 in six societies and found peer helping in every one, most often when help was truly needed. Their PNAS paper extends to peers a field that has mostly studied children helping adults, often within the family.
The Scientist · Science desk

What happened
- The six groups were Germans, Wichi of Argentina, Akhoe Hai||om of Namibia, Samburu and Kikuyu of Kenya, and Quechua of Bolivia, studied by teams from six universities and institutes.
- In a marble game, a child who already knew the fixes watched a same-age partner face a box that would not open or spilled marbles, and could explain, do it, or both.
- German children were far more likely than any other group to solve and explain at once, while Kikuyu children were somewhat less inclined to help hands-on.
- The team found no meaningful difference between boys and girls, and no population stood clearly apart from the overall pattern.
Compiled by The ScientistSomething wrong?How this is made
Why it matters
- capability One standardized game produced comparable peer-helping data in six very different settings, so other teams can compare peer helping directly between societies using the same protocol.
- constraint Because every result comes from one structured game between same-age partners, the study bounds what children do when handed a clear chance to help and cannot say how much peer help happens in daily life.
- constraint Without measures of how adults in each community teach, the German and Kikuyu style differences cannot yet be pinned on parenting; testing Zeidler's account would take that data.
- precedent Haun's claim that the capacity emerges in children everywhere rests on six societies, so each further society run through the same game becomes a direct test of it.
The game used two mishaps that differ in one respect. A box that will not open stalls a child until someone shows the trick. Marbles spilled on the floor are a chore a child can clear up alone [5]. Since the helper already knew both fixes [4], comparing the two mishaps tests one thing: whether a child helps more when the partner cannot manage without help. Children in all six groups did [5].
Age sharpened that pattern. Younger children helped with the box and the marbles at similar rates, while older children increasingly kept their help for the moments when it clearly made a difference [6]. The kind of help changed as well. Younger children mostly did the task for their partner; older ones more often explained how to solve it [7].
"What stood out immediately was how similar children's responses were, regardless of where they grew up," said Henriette Zeidler of Sapienza University of Rome, the lead author [15]. On the style differences between German and Kikuyu children, she said: "These patterns mirror the everyday interactions that children are familiar with" [9]. She contrasted rural, subsistence-based communities, where "children learn largely by observing and helping out, with little verbal explanation involved," with Germany, where "parents tend to combine hands-on demonstrations with detailed verbal instructions, and children seem to apply the same approach when helping their peers" [10].
The fit between helping style and home teaching is a correlation. The phys.org report does not include helping rates or effect sizes, or any measure of how parents in each community teach. In that account, the parenting link is Zeidler's explanation of the pattern.
The sample averages 56 children per society [1], spread across ages 4 to 9, and the authors describe the cultural differences as modest [11]. I think that is enough to show a shared pattern and thin for ranking societies against one another.
"Helping is one of the clearest expressions of our species' capacity for cooperation," said Daniel Haun, a senior author and a director at the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology [12]. "Our data show that this capacity reliably emerges in children everywhere," he said [13]. The six groups span large-scale industrialized societies and small-scale foraging, farming and pastoralist communities [3]. For a standardized experiment that is a wide spread, and it is still six societies behind the word "everywhere."
The thing this doesn't tell you is how often children help each other when no researcher has set up a box that will not open. Zeidler described the task as showing "how children choose to help their peers when given the chance" [14]. Every result comes from that chance, offered in a game between two children of the same age [4].
What to watch
- Whether the PNAS paper's detailed results report helping rates and effect sizes for each society, which would show how large the 'modest' cultural differences are.
- Whether the team pairs the marble task with measures of how adults in each community teach children, which would test Zeidler's explanation of the German and Kikuyu styles.
- Whether the same game, run in more societies or with mixed-age pairs, reproduces the pattern of help that tracks need and shifts toward explanation with age.