Product1 distinct publisher3 min readPublished
In a Rest of World interview, Osama Manzar argues that India's buildout takes land and water from districts that are not stakeholders in it, and that the jobs on offer sit inside automated buildings.
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Manzar's most operational detail is a vocabulary problem. He told Rest of World that "data center" is not a term the affected neighbourhoods recognise, so there is little awareness of a project until construction or clearance activity starts and the machinery is visible from the doorstep [10].
Siting decks assume the community trades land for payroll, and factories mostly honoured that trade, employing a lot of people even where land was taken [12]. Manzar says the data-centre version breaks it, because the operators themselves are not sure local people can be hired at all at an automated system [11]. Take the payroll out and the acquisition has nothing local left in it to pay with, which is why his complaint is about standing rather than price. He says he is not a stakeholder in what his land becomes, and the answer to what he gets back is a promise of jobs [24].
Divide the two projections Rest of World cites and the water number covers twice the population the power number does [20]. Power is the figure that turns up in supply agreements and grid planning, while water is taken from wherever the building sits.
The demand side has moved fast enough to explain the government's enthusiasm. When Manzar started the Digital Empowerment Foundation in 2002, 1.2% of Indians were online, and the share is now above 70% [3][4], a rise of roughly 58 times [21]. That growth gave households a service, whereas this phase asks particular districts to supply inputs, which is the distinction behind his line about developing countries becoming "data waste centers, serving the elite of the world" and his condition that an operator arriving in a neighbourhood serve it first [19].
This is one interview, edited for length, and no response from the companies or from any government appears in it [22]. Manzar has served on Indian government and international committees dealing with access, digital inclusion and infrastructure, so the position is a long-held one [5]. His alternative, splitting the country into as many as 250,000 village-council data centres or district-level facilities serving only their own districts, comes with no cost figure and no capacity figure [18][23].
Two tests do more work here than an impact binder. First, whether the district supplying the land and water consumes any of the capacity it hosts. Second, whether a compensation mechanism pays out even when a title turns out to be contested. Both yes is the only combination that survives a village council meeting. Local output with no compensation buys goodwill until the first bad title. Compensation with exported output settles the landowners and nobody else in the catchment. Neither, which is what Manzar describes at the sites he names, gives you a protest calendar keyed to your own construction schedule [13].
Ranked by verification strength, evidence, and original report placement.
Manzar says that although people's representatives exist at village council and district level, and locals can be divided into landowners, tillers, agriculturists and women's groups, he has not heard that any of those groups have been consulted.
Manzar says that communities are asked for their land, climate and space without consultation, that he is not even a stakeholder in the data centre, and asks what is given back in return.
Osama Manzar started the nonprofit Digital Empowerment Foundation in 2002.
When the Digital Empowerment Foundation started, 1.2% of India's population was online; now more than 70% is.
Manzar has served on several Indian government and international policy committees dealing with internet access, digital inclusion, and infrastructure.
Manzar says the Indian government views data centres as a developmental activity, and he questions whether it really is development.
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One interviewee, no documents, no counterparty response
All substance comes from a single publisher's edited Q&A with one advocate. The two headline resource projections carry no study, agency or methodology; the Telangana land-dispute and no-consultation allegations rest on the interviewee's own account with no land records, filings or officials cited; and Google, Microsoft and government bodies are absent from the piece. The only claims that verify cleanly against the material are biographical and format facts.
Named hyperscaler builds, unmeasured local impact
Two concrete buildouts are named — Google near Visakhapatnam and a Microsoft hub in Telangana — plus a described pattern of tax exemption and cheap land, which is more than rhetoric. But nothing is quantified: no capacity, investment, water or power draw, land area, employment numbers, or protest scale. The decentralised counter-proposal has no deployments at all. Adoption of the grievance itself (campaigning, disputes) is asserted rather than measured.
Headline projections outrun their sourcing
The framing numbers do the dramatic work — water for 1.3 billion people, power for 650 million — yet neither is attributed, and the title generalises them into an established trajectory. The remedy offered, 250,000 village-level data centres, is similarly scaled without any cost or capacity basis. The interviewee's narrower points about consultation, automation and disputed land are stated more carefully and are closer to what the material can support, which keeps the gap moderate rather than severe.
Advocate's case, published by its host, unanswered
The sole voice is the founder of a digital-inclusion nonprofit and a serving member of policy committees on internet access and infrastructure — a participant in the debate whose institutional mission is advanced by the decentralised alternative he proposes. The publisher is also the host of the live event the interview is drawn from, so the item promotes its own programming. No party with an opposing interest — hyperscalers, state governments — is given space to answer. These are visible, disclosed incentives rather than hidden ones, which is why this is not scored higher.
Clear text, very narrow base
Confidence is high on what the source says — the transcript is explicit and internally consistent, so attributions, format and the absence of counterparty comment are all easy to fix. It is low on whether the underlying assertions hold, because there is one publisher, one voice, no documents and no corroboration for the resource projections or the land-dispute allegations. That combination supports a mid-range confidence in the assessment overall.
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1 article · August 27, 2026