Science1 distinct publisher3 min readPublished Updated
Tyndall Centre modelling for Friends of the Earth puts the overshoot at 21 to 50 percent before Heathrow enters the sum, and the width of that range shows how much of the expansion case rides on plants nobody has built.
The Scientist · Science desk
Compiled by The ScientistSomething wrong?How this is made
The figure is a ratio, so start with the denominator. What the modelling compares is projected aviation emissions against aviation's allocated *share* of the Seventh Carbon Budget covering 2038 to 2042 [3]. How that share gets apportioned between aviation and everything else is a judgement, and the published summary does not state the allocation rule. A more generous split for flying would shrink the percentage without a single litre of jet fuel going unburned. That caveat cuts both ways, and it is the first thing I would want to see in the full report.
The range itself is more informative than the midpoint. Everything between 21 and 50 percent is driven by one variable: how much sustainable aviation fuel actually materialises [3]. Twenty-nine percentage points of overshoot therefore rest on a fuel supply chain [1]. The report's headline number of roughly 40 percent [4] sits above the arithmetic midpoint of 35.5 percent [3], which places the central case nearer the pessimistic fuel assumption than the optimistic one. What does not change anywhere across that span is the sign. On existing evidence, even optimistic SAF deployment leaves the sector above its share [6], and current production routes run into structural limits or compete with agriculture for land and water [7].
The removals side is where the two hedges stop being independent. No engineered greenhouse gas removal plants are yet operating in the UK, and global deployment is significantly off track [8]. Aviation is nonetheless the largest projected user of that future capacity, before any expansion is counted [9]. The scenarios also assume SAF pulls its weight, so a shortfall in fuel increases the call on removals [10]. Two backstops that fail in the same direction are one backstop.
Then there is what a carbon budget does not measure. Non-CO2 effects, including nitrogen oxides and contrails, account for around two-thirds of aviation's warming and sit outside the budgets entirely [12]. If two-thirds is outside, the accounted CO2 is about a third, and aviation's full warming effect is roughly three times what the budget books [2]. A plan can comply on paper and still be counting a minority of its own heat.
On provenance: Friends of the Earth commissioned this work [2], which is a reason to read the assumptions closely rather than a reason to discount them. The load-bearing check is that the government's own aviation scenarios overshoot the legislated budget too, before a third runway is considered [5]. What the modelling cannot tell you is how demand responds to a carbon price, what SAF costs at scale, or whether a removal technology surprises on the upside. The authors' recommendation to reject expansion [13] rests on timing evidence, and Pennington's own framing is narrower than the headline: the technologies can contribute, but there is no evidence they can support growth on this scale [14].
Ranked by verification strength, evidence, and original report placement.
New modelling on whether Heathrow expansion is compatible with the UK's legally binding climate targets was published by the Tyndall Centre for Climate Change Research at The University of Manchester.
The report was commissioned by the environmental justice organisation Friends of the Earth and is described as the first detailed analysis of whether Heathrow expansion is compatible with the UK's legal carbon budgets.
Recent approvals of airport expansion at Gatwick, Stansted, Luton and many other locations mean UK aviation is already projected to exceed its share of the Seventh Carbon Budget (2038-42) by between 21% and 50%, depending on how much sustainable aviation fuel materialises, before any Heathrow expansion takes place.
The report finds the UK aviation sector will already exceed its share of the Seventh Carbon Budget by around 40% even before Heathrow expansion is considered.
Based on existing evidence, SAF would be unable to close the emissions gap, and even optimistic deployment of the technology would leave aviation above its carbon budget share.
Previous studies have shown current SAF production methods face major structural constraints or compete with agriculture for land and water.
Distinct publishers with included, body-backed reporting in this cluster.
phys.org
1 article · September 3, 2026
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Evidence-backed comparisons of source perspectives and observed adoption signals. Read the methodology
Which Builder, Operator, and Investor concerns the observed source mix emphasized—not a truth score.
Evidence, demonstrated adoption, hype gap, incentives, and confidence are assessed independently, each on its own current evidence. How these are measured.
One report, faithfully relayed
Every figure here — the 21 to 50 percent band, the roughly 40 percent central case, the two-thirds non-CO2 share — comes from a single piece of modelling, and phys.org paraphrases that modelling rather than testing it. The strengths are real: named authors at a named research centre, an explicit uncertainty range, and a mechanism a reader can check in principle. What is absent is anyone positioned to disagree, and the claim most in need of outside verification — that the government's own scenarios overshoot too — is sourced only to the people arguing the case.
Approvals ahead of the technology
The two halves of this story move at wildly different speeds. Expansion has already been consented at Gatwick, Stansted and Luton — that is why the overshoot exists before Heathrow is even discussed. The capacity meant to absorb the growth barely exists: not one engineered removal plant is operating in the UK, and global deployment is described as significantly off track, while aviation is projected to be the largest claimant on that missing capacity. Concrete on one side, hypothetical on the other.
Campaign volume above the arithmetic
'Pouring gasoline on a raging wildfire' and 'no credible scenario' are campaign register, and phys.org carries them unchallenged. The modelling underneath is more careful than its packaging: the headline 40 percent overshoot sits above the 35.5 percent midpoint of the report's own 21-to-50 range, meaning the confident number leans toward the pessimistic fuel assumptions. The direction of travel looks defensible; the certainty wrapped around it is louder than what has been shown.
The commissioner supplies the frame
Friends of the Earth paid for this modelling and Friends of the Earth's head of policy delivers its sharpest lines, including the appeal to the new prime minister. That is disclosed rather than hidden — phys.org says so in the second paragraph — but the timing is doing work: publication lands two days after the Heathrow policy consultation closed and in the week MPs returned to scrutinise it. The researchers' recommendation to reject expansion is precisely the outcome the commissioner is campaigning for, and no party with money in a runway or a fuel plant appears.
Direction firm, figures thin
I would bet on the shape of this finding and not its decimals. In its favour: a named group at Manchester, an honest range, a testable assertion about published government scenarios, and a zero — no operating UK removal plants — that is hard to dispute. Against it: one publisher, one commissioned report, no rebuttal, and a central estimate whose derivation is never shown.