Science1 publisher2 min readPublished
Two-thirds of Australian children surveyed report grooming-related contact from online strangers, Adelaide University study finds
The rate is roughly double what earlier prevalence studies found, and most of that gap comes from counting the trust-building talk that precedes any sexual request. The authors call it a snapshot.
The Scientist · Science desk

What happened
- Nearly two-thirds of the Australian children surveyed said they had received at least one form of grooming-related communication from an online stranger in the past year.
- Almost one-third reported direct requests for sexual information, conversations or images, and around one in five were asked to send photos or videos or to meet up in person.
- The most common contacts were trust-building and risk-assessment talk: strangers discussing shared interests and asking about a child's life, relationships or online activities.
- The Adelaide University team published in Child Abuse & Neglect with eSafety, the Australian Institute of Criminology and Michigan State University, calling the result a snapshot.
Compiled by The ScientistSomething wrong?How this is made
Why it matters
- constraint Neither side of the online-safety argument gets a usable data point from the null: it cannot be cited to say privacy settings and parental controls fail, nor to say they work.
- decision Anyone setting a baseline for grooming exposure now has to declare which behaviours they are counting, because the headline rate tracks the definition more than the calendar.
- exposure Reporting-based detection is weakest at the stage where intervention would be cheapest, because the approaches children shrugged at are the ones that arrive first.
- cost About 300 respondents will not support reliable cuts by age, gender or platform, so a national figure means paying for a properly drawn probability sample.
Earlier prevalence studies asked a narrower question. They generally counted overtly sexual or unwanted solicitation from someone the child believed to be an adult, and they returned rates from about 5% to 30% [13][14]. Katie Logos and her co-authors counted the approach behaviours as well, including questions about school and whether parents check the phone, and asked about any online stranger rather than only suspected adults [14][15][16]. On that wider construct, nearly two-thirds works out at roughly 2.2 times the top of the old range [2], which is close to what the definition change alone would predict. Whether Australian children are approached more often than they were five years ago is not a question this design can answer.
Denominator discipline matters here. Two-thirds of about 300 children is roughly 200 respondents; the third reporting direct sexual requests is about 100, and the one in five asked for photos or a meeting is about 60 [1]. Had the sample been drawn at random, the 95% interval around two-thirds would run from about 61% to 71% [3]. It was not drawn that way: the authors built it to broadly reflect the demographic characteristics of the Australian population [4]. Because the sample was not drawn at random, that five-point margin marks only the floor of the real uncertainty.
The finding most open to misuse is the null one. Children who used privacy settings, parental guidance or age-appropriate platforms were just as likely to report grooming-related communication as those who did not [10]. Professor Russell Brewer, who directs the Australian Cybercrime Observatory, points out that the arrow may run backwards, with some children adopting stronger practices after such an interaction [11]. One measurement at one time cannot separate a safeguard that failed from a safeguard adopted in response [11].
What the survey cannot say is how many of those strangers were adults. Children often believed they were talking to another child [8], and Logos notes that they cannot verify who is behind an account, which is where the concern about adults posing as children sits [18]. This means the survey measures grooming-related contacts, and the number of distinct offenders behind those contacts remains unknown. The behavioural part is the part that holds: the opening moves arrive inside conversations that read as friendly [17], and the common responses in this sample were to do nothing or to block the sender [8]. Detection systems that rely on a child reporting distress therefore face a gap: most children in this survey did not report feeling that distress at all.
What to watch
- Whether the team follows the same children over time, the only design that can separate a failed safeguard from one adopted after an approach.
- Whether eSafety or the Australian Institute of Criminology funds a probability sample large enough to support national estimates and platform-level breakdowns.
- Whether the published paper reports full item wording and non-response, which sets how much of the two-thirds is definition and how much is exposure.